Yem Chhrin is escorted by police officers into the provincial court in Battambang province, Cambodia, on Thursday. Photograph: Reuters

Cambodia News in Review, December 8, 2015

Cambodia’s deteriorating political climate has attracted international political and media attention. U.S. and EU lawmakers have demanded that Prime Minister Hun Sen drops the arrest warrant against opposition leader Sam Rainsy [of the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP)], who remains in exile in France. The impact of climate change on the future of Cambodia and other low-lying developing nations is being addressed this week at the UN climate change summit in Paris. Also in the news, an unlicensed medical practitioner has been sentenced to 25 years in prison after 270 residents in Roka commune in Battambang province are infected with HIV.

Cambodia Contemplates its Future In Relation to Climate Change

The UN climate change summit in Paris is taking place from November 30 to December 11, 2015. At the summit, Cambodia and other developing countries are expected to appeal to developed countries that produce greater carbon emissions for assistance to mitigate the impact of climate change on their own countries.

The credit-rating agency Standard & Poor’s recently listed Cambodia as the country (out of 116) most impacted by climate change, with its government holding the lowest rate for “creditworthiness.” The United Nations lists it as one of the top 10 countries in the world most susceptible to climate change, notably as a low-land country prone to droughts and flooding. Nearly 74 percent of Cambodian workers are in agriculture, which has endured major losses from drought and flooding. Some communities in Cambodia have already been trying out disaster and climate change mitigation education and training programs for a few years. Since 2011, nearly 33 secondary schools and 15,000 farming families in Tbaung Khmum and Siem Reap provinces have participated in climate change and disaster mitigation education and training programs.

Bopha, Phorn. Underprepared Cambodia Vulnerable to Climate Change. Voice of America. November 27, 2015.

Danaparamita, Aria. Youth Gather to Talk About Climate Change. The Cambodia Daily. November 30, 2015.

Naomi-Collett Ritz. Climate Change Curriculum. Khmer Times. December 1, 2015.

Unlicensed Medical Practitioner Sentenced to Prison for Causing Mass HIV Outbreak in Battambang Province

After 270 residents were infected in the rural Roka commune in Battambang province, Yem Chrin, an unlicensed medical practitioner, was found guilty of “operating without a medical license, intentionally spreading HIV and torture and acts of cruelty that result in death with aggravating circumstances.” Chrin has been sentenced to 25 years in prison. Unlicensed healthy workers and clinics are common in rural communities where access to state healthcare is lacking. Nine unlicensed doctors were ordered in February to shut down their practices. Villagers have complained that is it now significantly harder to find a provider, especially if they may have an emergency in the middle of the night. Moreover, due to high levels of corruption in the country, Cambodians often do not trust their doctors to be well-trained, and will seek medical advice in neighboring countries when they can. The lack of licensed practitioners still has roots in the period of the Khmer Rouge regime when physicians and their families, along with professionals including scientists, teachers, engineers, and lawyers, were eradicated.

Hour, Hum. Cambodian Health Worker Sentenced to 25 Years For HIV Infections. Radio Free Asia. December 3, 2015.

Hunt, Katie and Rebecca Wright. Unlicensed Cambodian doctor jailed for mass HIV outbreak. CNN. December 3, 2015.

Reaksmey, Hul. Doctor Who Caused Mass HIV Outbreak in Cambodia Sentenced to 25 Years. Voice of America. December 4, 2015.

Opposition Leader Sam Rainsy Remains in Exile, as Political Talks Deteriorate

Opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) leader Sam Rainsy remains in France in exile, as an arrest warrant awaits him back home in Cambodia. CNRP members boycotted a parliamentary session last week, citing concerns over Rainsy’s warrant and lawmakers’ safety, after two CNRP lawmakers were beaten severely following a session by pro-CPP (Cambodian People’s Party, the ruling government) military members in civilian clothes. Sixteen members of the U.S. House of Representatives, Democrat and Republican, penned a letter to Prime Minister Hun Sen, relaying their “deep concerns about efforts to disrupt the development of democracy in your country” [Mara, The Cambodia Daily]. Members of the European Parliament passed a resolution in which they threatened to review their substantial aid package to Cambodia unless Rainsy is able to freely return. Foreign Minister Hor Namhong seemed unfazed by the West’s pressure while at a recent charity event in Phnom Penh. He remarked at the event: “The E.U. parliamentarians and the U.S. parliamentarians have their rights [but] I see and believe that our country under the leadership of Hun Sen is advancing to build our country to grow in all sectors… With funds or without funds, we will continue to advance. From now and onward, Cambodia will always progress forward and not go backward or stand still. It always goes forward from one month to another and from one year to another” [Mara, The Cambodia Daily]. The political collapse in Cambodia has gained increased international media attention, as the International New York Times published a piece from Ou Virak, president of Future Forum, a policy research institute in Phnom Penh, calling for a change in leadership in Cambodia, and not from the opposition CNRP. Cambodia’s youth, who are technologically savvy, were heavily mobilized for the 2013 election. They make up approximately 3.5 million of 9.5 million eligible voters in Cambodia, and continue to advocate in online and public forums for political change. Cambodians are increasingly frustrated that critical issues nationally are not being addressed by politicians, including rising economic inequality, and electoral and institutional reform.

Dara, Mech and Alex Willemyns. Opposition Lawmakers To Boycott Assembly. The Cambodia Daily. November 30, 2015.

Dara, Mech and Alex Willemyns. US Lawmakers Call for End to ‘Persecution’ of Opposition. The Cambodia Daily. December 7, 2015.

Thul, Prak Chan. TV anchor seeks to be Cambodia’s political peacemaker to avoid conflict. Reuters. November 30, 2015.

Virak, Ou. Cambodians Deserve Better. The International New York Times. December 4, 2015.

October 22, 2015

By Kendell Tylee

1,171 constituencies. 6,100 candidates. 90 political parties.

On November 8, the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (Burma) will host an unprecedented “free and fair” multiparty election. This will be the first general election in Myanmar since 2011, when a nominally civilian, military-backed government was elected, ending 50 years of authoritarian rule. In the past four years, international sanctions have rolled back and Myanmar has opened up to limited outside investment and press freedoms. However, the reforms have been inconsistent and the government still faces international condemnation over its treatment of minority ethnic groups, notably the Rohingya. And, in defense of a so-called “disciplined democracy,” the military-drafted constitution states that 25 percent of the Hluttaw (parliament) must be comprised of appointed, unelected members of the military, who have the power to veto changes to the constitution.

This past August, IPJ Director Dee Aker and Program Officer for Strategic Peacebuilding, Kara Wong, visited Myanmar as part of a trip highlighting the importance of voter education in this upcoming election. Wong came to the IPJ from Myanmar and has over seven years experience working with local civil society. Responding to an invitation from Wong’s former colleagues, they collaborated with a consortium of international and local organizations. The consortium includes four local organizations Nyaungshaung, Myanmar Egress, Hornbill, and Scholar; three international NGOs (and one foundation) International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), Democracy Reporting International (DRI), Danish Institute for Parties and Democracy (DIPD),;and Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom (FNF). Together, they are delivering a comprehensive strategy focusing on capacity assistance to the Union Election Commission (UEC), civil society, media and other electoral stakeholders.

IPJ partner organization FNF is specifically focused on preparing trainers with the knowledge and skills to support voter education within their own communities, with the goal of conducting 160 trainings and reaching 8000 voters. Informational pamphlets, videos, and comic books are ready to be distributed and translated from English and Burmese into local languages and dialects.

During the IPJ visit, Wong conducted a two-day training with local groups, emphasizing the importance of minority rights as they relate to elections. In the midst of the heavily-spouted promise of “free and fair” elections, her presentation reframed minority rights as privilege and encouraged discussion around creative solutions and responses to the presence of privilege in an electoral cycle. Importantly, she made the presentation interactive—breaking the participants into small groups to share ideas around how to help citizens connect the act of voting to their everyday concerns and struggles. At the request of FNF and in response to widespread fear that unmet electoral expectations may lead to post-election violence, Wong had participants interview potential voters and develop strategies for managing voter expectations. It is important to emphasize that reform is an ongoing process that will take place well beyond November 8.

It is logistically difficult to run an election in the largest country in Southeast Asia, particularly in what is considered to be its first truly democratic election in decades. As Wong notes, “in Myanmar you are facing roadblocks to integration of new information and behavioral changes. Older generations who have lived through the dictatorship have this longstanding fear [of the government] and remember getting arrested for getting involved in politics at all.” In addition to personal and familial security concerns, apathy persists for those who feel that previous elections did not deliver the change they expected.

War and weather have also hindered current voter education and campaign efforts. Even in ideal conditions, not all of the country is easily accessible. For example, some areas in northwestern Myanmar, bordering India, can only be accessed by elephant, and political groups trying to campaign lament the further lack of access due to weather and to communal fighting in various states. Heavier than normal rains this season have caused flooding, mudslides, power outages and transportation issues. INGOs poised to work with communities on voter education and democracy-building are now instead responding to a humanitarian crisis. Long-standing regional and communal conflict presents additional challenges. While after two years of negotiations, the existing government, negotiators and armed ethnic groups inked a ceasefire agreement on October 15 the agreement remains highly contentious. Of the 21 armed ethnic groups that consider themselves stakeholders in the negotiations, only 15 were selected to participate, and of those only eight signed the pact. Many groups in the north have refused to sign, including the Kachin Independence Army, which is still sparring with government troops.

The Union Election Commission (UEC) is tasked with running the election. The UEC has been accused of aligning too closely with the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Voters have expressed frustration that the voter registration is a cumbersome process, and that the UEC is non-responsive, shifting blame to the registrants themselves. The list of candidates on the ballot is ever-changing. Foreign election observers have been kept from accessing certain parts of the country, at times being required to pay $600 for a regional visa into the area. It is also a challenge to extend free and fair elections to those residing outside Myanmar as historically proxy votes have been manipulated in close elections. This week, voters nationwide are reviewing the voter rolls to ensure their information is correct. Common complaints are that deceased voters are listed, but eligible voters have been purged since the last election. Myanmar’s Rohingya population, a persecuted ethnic minority in Rakhine State, has been rejected from the rolls. Rohingya have been issued white temporary resident cards, suggesting an eventual path to citizenship. However, in March, the cards were deemed invalid for voting, despite many Rohingya living in Myanmar for generations. In September, Foreign Minister Wanna Maung Lwin defended the government’s decision when he spoke at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York. He equated the Rohingya as “white card” holders to lawful permanent residents, or “green card” holders, not being able to vote in the U.S. As the statement drew international condemnation, U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon met with the foreign minister to express his concern over the marginalization of the Rohingya and other minority groups who had been previously eligible. Rohingya who have been serving in the country’s Hluttaw are barred from re-election.

As Myanmar carries a promise of reform, there remain great challenges to the country’s political transition. The IPJ hopes to continue to support community partners who are helping voters feel informed, encouraged, and empowered when it comes to their vote, this anticipative election, and the future of their country. November 8 will be a historic day in Myanmar, but November 9 will establish its direction.

Zumzang Dau Dai and Zoncy, founding members of IPJ community partner and youth-led peacebuilding initiative DIVERZE Youth Arts Platform are featured performers in The Art of Peace: Creative Approaches to Conflict Resolution, November 11-14^th. Zoncy is the campaign manager for prominent women’s rights activist and NLD candidate Naw Susanna Hla Hla Soe.

The views expressed by Kroc Institute for Peace and Justice Interns are those of the author and are not necessarily those of the IPJ or of the University of San Diego.

Photo credit – Nora Lindstrom, International Alliance of Inhabitants

News in Review: Cambodia – October 13, 2015

Despite 35 years since the end of the Khmer Rouge regime, Cambodia still reels from its aftermath. Current events this week in Cambodia exhibit the regime’s continued effects on Cambodia’s workforce, currency, land distribution, mental health, and political process.

Cambodia Minimum Wage Increases

After weeks of negotiations between unions, the government, employers, and manufacturers, the Cambodian Government has confirmed that the monthly minimum wage for garment workers will increase from $128 to $140. The $12 increase is far less than what unions were seeking, and more than what manufacturers had lobbied. Though a wage of $135 was agreed upon, Cambodia’s Prime Minister Hun Sen announced a $5 government-supported subsidy, increasing it to $140 per person, in a suggested politically-motivated move. Two unions have not signed onto the deal, protesting that the new wage does not match inflation or provide a living wage. Meanwhile, the Garment Manufacturers’ Association’s Secretary-General Ken Loo warns that if buyers do not also start paying the factories more, they will start to close up, resulting in divestment in the country.

Carmichael, Robert. Cambodia Raises Monthly Minimum Wage to $140. Voice of America. October 8, 2015.

Kitya, Tha. Cambodia Raises Minimum Wage For Garment Workers But Unions Remain Unhappy. Radio Free Asia. October 8, 2015.

Vannak, Chea. Minimum Wage Gets Boost. Khmer Times. October 8, 2015.

Cambodia’s Currency: Riel vs. U.S. Dollar

Cambodia is heavily dependent on the U.S. dollar. It accounts for 90 percent of banking deposits and 83 percent of total transactions within the country. In 1992, the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) intervened in Cambodia for peace operations, and brought the dollar with it. At the time, it was an optimistic alternative to Cambodia’s currency, which had been susceptible to inflation. And, recently Cambodia was one of the few Southeast Asian countries to not be severely affected when China devalued the yuan. However, with a desire to be autonomous, and global downturn in the strength of the U.S. dollar, the National Bank of Cambodia is trying to switch over to their local riel, which may be prove to be a complex transition.

“Cambodia aims to reduce dollarization.” Xinhuanet. September 29, 2015.

“Is It Time for Cambodia to Wean Itself Off the Greenback?” Knowledge@Wharton. The Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania. October 6, 2015.

Peter, Zsombor. “World Bank Says Cambodia Will Weather China Slowdown.” October 6, 2015.

 Human Rights Defenders and Residents Arrested over Protesting Land Evictions

On October 7, a subpoena was delivered to the wife of Mr. Ny Chakrya, Head of the Human Rights and Legal Aid Section of the Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (ADHOC). It stated that Mr. Ny Chakrya should appear before the Investigating Judge of the Phnom Penh Municipal Court on October 21, where he will face charges of “public defamation”, “acts of slanderous denunciation”, and “publication of commentaries to put pressure on jurisdiction,” involving prison time. It is the latest in a series of arrests of human rights defenders, activists, and residents (including 76-year-old grandmother Nget Khun) protesting massive resident evictions attributed to World Bank-backed development projects. About 3,000 families have been evicted from their homes, and those remaining have endured massive flooding; Boeung Kak Lake, once a source of livelihood for many living by the lake, has been filled with sand to make way for shops and high-rise condominiums.

Phorn, Bopha, Michael Hudson, Barry Yeoman, and Ben Hallman. “World Bank Fails To Stop Attacks, Arrests of Villagers Protesting Big Projects.” The Huffington Post, The Nation, and the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists. September 10, 2015.

Pomeon O’neill, Alexandra. “Continued judicial harassment against Mr. Ny Chakrya.” Worldwide Movement for Human Rights. October 12, 2015.

“Witnessing Cambodia with Pen Chanborey.” The Union of Catholic Asian News (UCAN). October 12, 2015.

Post-Khmer Rouge: The Killings Stopped, but the Psychological Trauma Carries On

It has been forty years since the Khmer Rouge first instituted its ruthless regime, with 1.8 million people dying over the course of five years. While 70 percent of the current population was born after the regime, Cambodia has one of the highest suicide rates in the world, and only 50 psychiatrists provided for a national population of 15 million people. The reconciliation process is fraught as people struggle with living next-door to the alleged killers of their family members. The post-conflict trauma is evident in subsequent generations. Youth have reported depression, stress and insomnia, attributed to school studies and relationships, but particularly to financial struggles and family members who are sick.

Sophanna, Roath. RUPP Youth Mental Health Day. Khmer Times. October 7, 2015.

Zweynert, Astrid. Cambodia seeks way out of post “killing fields” mental health crisis. The Thomson Reuters Foundation. October 5, 2015.

A “Culture of Dialogue” and Accusation of Plotting a Coup

This week, the Foreign Minister of Cambodia accused the opposition party Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) of plans to “topple the government.” The 2013 national elections were close, heavily disputed, and accused of being rigged by the National Election Committee, in favor of the currently ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP). After a long deadlock, the two parties agreed to work on peace-building and working together in a “Culture of Dialogue.” But, now it is theorized that the CPP has used the “Culture of Dialogue” to undermine and neutralize the CNRP, and its previously vivacious fiery vigorous leader, Sam Rainsy. The opposition party insists it is not planning a coup, but helping “build a strong democracy” and looking to the 2017 and 2018 elections. All the while, some political observers have expressed hesitation that if it backs down in critiquing the CPP, it could lose the next election; and, with 10 opposition activists currently in jail, this is something it cannot afford to do.

Harfenist, Ethan. “Cambodia’s Withering ‘Culture of Dialogue’.” The Diplomat. October 12, 2015.

Kitya, Tha. “Cambodian Opposition Slams Foreign Minister Over Claims of Coup Plot.” Radio Free Asia. 12 October 2015.

Reaksmey, Hul. “Hun Sen Each Declare Confidence in Upcoming Elections.” Voice of America Khmer. 12 October 2015.